On the classifier-demonstrative di in Wugang Xiang

The Wugang dialect, a variety of Xiang dialect, has a general plural classifier di. Similar to Mandarin xiē and Cantonese di1 , it can be used as a quantity classifier (Zhang & Tang 2014) referring to a small amount of things in the construction [DEM+di+N], or as an indicator of a slightly higher degree as in the [ADJ+di] and [ADV+di] constructions, with examples such as gao di ‘(a bit) taller’ or me di ‘(a bit) more slowly’. However, it is interesting to note that different from Mandarin xiē, which seldom appears independently without any pre-modifier, a common phenomenon in Wugang dialect is to elide the demonstrative in [DEM+di+N] constructions to form [di+N] constructions which are frequently associated with negative evaluations. In this study, we will examine, both qualitatively and quantitatively, how Wugang di constructions develop from referential to evaluative uses.

More specifically, we analyze tokens of [di+N] constructions used in daily conversations. These constructions are then analyzed according to the following structural types and functions: (i) indefinite referent [di+N] equivalent to English 'some', usually with a small quantity reading, (ii) definite referent [di+N] without negative evaluation, (iii) definite referent [di+N] with a distancing effect, (iv) definite referent [di+N] situated in negative contexts, (v) definite referent [di+N] with negative evaluation, and (vi) indefinite referent [di+N] with negative evaluation, in which di is fully grammaticalized from a classifier into an attitudinal marker. These six functions are classified into two major types, namely, numeral classifiers which include (i) and (vi), and demonstrative classifiers which include the others. We observe that the latter have further grammaticalized into ‘classifier-demonstratives’ via covert expression of the demonstratives ni ‘that’ and go ‘this’. Our data also show how the function of di as an attitudinal marker is further expanded in [di+ni/go+ge+N] constructions, which yield negative evaluations in the sense of ‘N (=someone/something/someplace) such as this?!’ Examples include di ni ge jen ‘people such as these!’ or ‘such people!’

Using an interactional linguistic framework (see Selting & Couper-Kuhlen 2001), we analyze how [di+N] constructions are used to evaluate others negatively. The findings of this study show how classifier demonstratives can be used to express speaker’s subjective stance in interactional talk. Our analysis reveals that the possible source for the emergence of [di+N] with negative evaluation, i.e. type (vi), may be the psychological distancing effect from the covert distal demonstrative ni ‘that’ in the source construction (i.e. [di+N] < [ni+di+N]) and its highly frequent association with negative pragmatic contexts. Data for our analysis come from a 9-hour database of casual conversations among native speakers of Wugang Xiang.