从汉语音系看优选论的修订

作为生成语法理论，优选论的特点在于，能够在给定任何输入项时，经过个别语言对普遍性制约条件的排序，推算出符合个别语言的表层结构（即优选项）。在这个构思下，“符合语法”指的是相对最优的表层结构，这个表层结构未必完全符合特定的语法规则。原则上OT适用于所有自然语言。在此理论框架下，汉语的音系研究主要在于找出妥善的制约条件排序。从这个理论角度出发研究汉语音系的学者贡献良多。然而，我们也不妨从汉语音系角度出发，以汉语音系现象检验和修订优选论。本文的取证主要来自三个方面：（1）连读变调对结构的敏感性；（2）历时音变中由塞音清浊变为声调上的阴阳；（3）外来词。

As a generative theory of phonology,Optimality Theory provides an architecture of abstract grammar where all possibilities corresponding to an input form are evaluated by a universal set of constraints that have a language-specific ranking hierarchy so that an optimal output would be identified as the phonetic manifestation of some underlying phonological form.Under this conception,the notion grammaticality is no longer one of perfect accordance to rules of a given language,but rather of maximal parsimony with the ranked hierarchy of universal constraints.In principle,OT encompasses all languages so that,specific to Chinese,it would be merely a matter of finding the right constraint ranking.However,while OT has prompted phonologists to study Chinese from this perspective,the intricate patterns in Chinese can in turn refine the architecture of OT.This paper illustrates these Chinese contributions using examples drawn from(1) the structural sensitivity of tone sandhi,(2) the historical shift from voicing contrasts in prevocalic plosives to tonal register contrasts and(3) loanword phonology.